Here, we’ve compiled a list of the best Brexit Quotes from famous authors such as Anna Soubry, Raghuram Rajan, Wes Streeting, Jacob Rees-Mogg, Caroline Lucas. Let’s look at these pieces of wisdom. We definitely have something to learn from them!
1
Something is going to have to give because, if it doesn’t, not only will we get Jacob Rees-Mogg as our prime minister, we will get a devastating hard Brexit which will cause huge damage to our economy for generations to come. And I am not prepared to sit by any longer and put up with this nonsense.
2
Uncertainty of any sort results in volatility, and Brexit will be no exception.
3
The economic crisis caused by a hard Brexit or the democratic deficit of a soft Brexit both risk fuelling Britain’s populist right.
4
Mark Carney is one of the enemies of Brexit. He has opposed it consistently.
5
I don’t think anybody voted for the Green Party without knowing what our position was on Brexit.
6
Our best hope in meeting the many challenges that Brexit brings for us is being willing to be open-minded about the options we may choose to pursue.
7
If Parliament is voting overwhelmingly against leaving the European Union without a deal but is voting in favour of a softer Brexit, then I don’t think it’s sustainable to ignore Parliament’s position and therefore leave without a deal.
8
It looks like caring for the most vulnerable in our society could be yet another casualty of Brexit, with over-stretched and potentially unsafe care services and a reduction in female employment another unforeseen consequence.
9
I do not believe that as a country we are completely ill-prepared for no-deal Brexit. It is not the optimal solution it is not the best outcome for Britain, we will do much better than people expect.
10
I would argue that in terms of our country’s international profile, Brexit is just as significant a development as any military engagement.
11
People are just repeating mantras like, ‘get Brexit done,’ ‘strong and stable,’ ‘dither and delay’. There must be a way of satirizing it, and I long to see it, but it’s gone beyond ‘The Thick of It.’
12
I’m well aware of different views across my own party and across Parliament on pretty well all Brexit issues.
13
To deliver Brexit you must believe in it.
14
Brexit is not, thankfully, a question of war. But, like Iraq, Brexit is an act of unprovoked self-harm and a massive strategic mistake that threatens Britain’s credibility and authority in the world.
15
The U.K. decided to leave the E.U. – Brexit means Brexit.
16
Only Boris Johnson will get the best Brexit deal for Britain, defeat Jeremy Corbyn’s divisive shambles of an opposition, and govern the United Kingdom in the national interest.
17
Brexit will happen.
18
If we had a vote in parliament, the majority of MPs would not vote for a hard Brexit.
19
You might want a certain type of Brexit deal, but you can’t get it if the numbers aren’t there.
20
The first job of the Brexit Party is to make sure Brexit’s delivered and if that involves electoral pacts, that might happen.
21
If anything, one would think we learn from Brexit is we need a strong, stable banking system, not one to repeal the consumer bureau and repeal Dodd-Frank and give Wall Street what it wants. That would be the worst kind of response.
22
The entire debate around a ‘No Deal’ Brexit assigns a vastly overstated importance to the role of government in daily life.
23
Brexit was not a coup. Far from it. In the eyes of most analysts, it was a clear sign that people are frustrated and fed up with the status quo; this is particularly the case with independent voters.
24
Once we can Brexit delivered, we can then start talking about those other issues which are much better at bringing people together. We will talk about local health provision, education, farming policing and the economy.
25
The only way Brexit might have worked without an economic collapse is the Norway model of close integration with the structure of the European customs union and single market without being part of the formal E.U. institutions.
26
For some, a sense of responsibility towards their constituents prevented them from entertaining no deal, or in some cases any form of Brexit, even as their electorate asked for it.
27
Brexit has really broken a taboo. The Brits have shown us that you can leave the European Union, and you can come out better.
28
Senior Tories have exhibited a brand of entitled arrogance that implies that they own Brexit. It seems that anyone else who claims its mantle can be pushed to one side. And that includes voters.
29
I don’t know; we’ll see what happens with Brexit. If they make it so that you can’t travel any more without a visa, I’m going to have to leave the country, stay in the E.U., and probably change my citizenship.
30
In the absence of honesty from the Conservative party leadership, it is Labour’s duty to spell out the very real consequences of a no-deal Brexit. It is also our duty to take whatever steps are necessary to prevent it.
31
People talk often of Brexit as the biggest challenge since the Second World War. It is certainly proving to be a lot more difficult and complicated than was promised by those who won the referendum campaign in 2016.
32
I’m really keen to see a Labour government because there are many things to be done, not least pursuing a sensible Brexit and not one that damages our economy and jobs.
33
One of the reasons why many British voters chose to leave the European Union was because they distrusted European institutions. Of all the many costs of Brexit, this was one I did not foresee: That it could wind up damaging the nation’s faith in its own institutions too.
34
Brexit can be stopped.
35
Brexiteers often hark back to the blitz. Maybe they think the ‘Britain standing alone’ motif adds much-needed heroic purpose to a Brexit future in which Britain stands without trading partners or allies to tackle climate change.
36
I think our stance on Brexit has perhaps been one of the most powerful things in helping people to recognise the values of the Liberal Democrats.
37
One of the great tragedies of Brexit has been that despite the fact there was an unprecedented public vote for change, Brexit was almost hijacked, owned, and controlled by a technocratic establishment.
38
The case for Brexit was made on rhetorical flourishes and promises and bluster. A lot of promises on which people voted have turned out to be undeliverable. It was a false prospectus.
39
As a past attorney general I consider a WTO Brexit to be a disaster for us as, leaving aside the economic damage it will cause, it would trash our reputation for observing our international obligations – as it must lead to our breaching the Good Friday Agreement with Ireland on the Irish border.
40
Brexit was, at its heart, about democracy and sovereignty.
41
We don’t see any material impact of Brexit, either in the U.K. or in the neighbouring countries and the U.K.’s trading partners.
42
We must find a credible route through Brexit to build a better country and go forward together.
43
Poll after poll has shown that a no-deal Brexit is emphatically not what the public wants – whatever the Leave campaign-staffed No 10 press office may tell lobby correspondents.
44
Sovereignty is not just at the national level; that’s the mistake of Brexit that other people make.
45
The country is polarised between those who would pursue a hard Brexit, which is where the prime minister is, and Remain.
46
Brexit will not be easy.
47
And after Brexit, we will be free to determine our economic future, with control over our money, laws and borders.
48
We are lucky to have a free press. But in some parts of it, you have to search hard to find items concerning any negative aspects to Brexit.
49
The Brexit campaign was transformed from a fringe eccentricity into a mass movement by a handful of people who decided to make it into an argument about identity.
50
When it comes to explaining the phenomenon of right-wing populism, liberals are likely to argue both that the populist era has exposed a darkness always present at the heart of conservative politics and that a toxic, post-truth new-media ecosystem has greased the skids for President Trump, Brexit and the rest.
51
Brexit is a self-inflicted wound; the people of this country hold the knife, and they don’t have to use it if they don’t want to. The people, not the hardline Brexiteers, are in charge.
52
I am worried about the Tory party because give or take the odd spasm we have always been seen as pragmatic, sensible, good at our job, sane, reasonable and having the interests of the whole country. Now it is beginning to look like a Brexit sect.
53
Climate change remains the biggest threat to our civilisation, economy and security – even bigger than Brexit.
54
As a strong believer that Brexit is a very damaging mistake that becomes more obvious every day, I see sound democratic reasons for asking the electorate to confirm what it wants to do.
55
Brexit has energised millions of people, young and old, to take part in our democracy and that’s a great thing.
56
We have seen at first hand that upholding the Good Friday Agreement while also avoiding a hard border in Ireland is the key to unblocking the Brexit logjam.
57
Although economic grievances were critical in delivering the referendum result, Brexit has fomented an all-out culture war.
58
The nature of the final Brexit deal really matters. It is, as I have said before, the battle of our times.
59
One of the strengths of the U.K. is its ability to attract very highly talented people from all over the places, but also their ability to send English people outside. So they’re very brain circulation-oriented, and I do hope, even with Brexit, they will keep this asset they have.
60
The argument that won the Brexit campaign is the one that said take back control… which is another way of saying we want to control our destinies again. This is an existential issue for the whole of Europe, not just for the U.K., because this sentiment is not limited to the United Kingdom.
61
Brexit has certainly exposed an ugly underbelly of our democracy. It is clear to me that we must ensure that the many Leave voting communities must never be left behind again.
62
Embracing the freedom of Brexit gives us the choice of what sort of country we want to become and means we can look forward to a more positive tomorrow.
63
We were right to say from the outset that E.U. citizens should not be treated as bargaining chips but should have their rights guaranteed immediately. We were right to call on the government to publish a plan for Brexit.
64
Brexit is the best thing to happen for Russia, for America, for Germany, and for democracy.
65
Brexit makes me uncomfortable. It feels like we’re in no-man’s-land, and it doesn’t feel safe. People who voted to leave did so because of the scaremongering. It was all about immigration, but immigration is a great thing.
66
The most difficult part of Brexit will be to figure out the trade regime between the U.K. and the rest of the E.U. because the level of trade integration between the members of the E.U. is the deepest in the world and integrates regulations that govern how products and services are produced and sold within the E.U.
67
A Brexit Britain that will navigate its way in the world without a moral compass.
68
Leaving people worse off financially is a Brexit outcome nobody supports, whether they voted leave or remain.
69
Brexit, for all its likely harms, represents an opportunity to pay landowners and tenants to do something completely different, rather than spending yet more public money on trashing our life-support systems.
70
Hospitals don’t have enough beds, staff shortages are being exacerbated by the uncertainty surrounding what Brexit means for EU nationals and our ability to access new cancer treatments is under threat.
71
Brexit has always been an impossible project, except at the price of massive self-harm.
72
Speaking to people in all parts of the country, it has become clear to me that there is a definite appetite for the option to reject Theresa May’s Brexit and hold a referendum.
73
Britain needs a good Brexit deal to safeguard jobs, security and trade and to build a new partnership with the E.U. Achieving this will be fiendishly difficult.
74
Brexit is so extraordinary in so many ways.
75
Part of the Brexit debate was about control, having a say over our laws and money and letting politicians stand up for what the people voted for, not signing away our sovereignty.
76
I will always believe that my vote, and the votes of my Lib Dem colleagues, are the best thing I can do to save this country from a no-deal Brexit and save it from Boris Johnson.
77
Every day we let this Brexit mess go on means less money being invested in the UK, fewer jobs being created and less tax revenue to pay for our public services.
78
Yes, I have found many people who voted for Brexit and believe it will answer their problems. But they mostly realise that Europe isn’t the problem, however much the E.U. could be improved.
79
One might have thought that Brexit would be a wake-up call for the American media. Yet, just as in the U.K. referendum, ‘Russia’ became the buzzword in the U.S. election that the political and media establishments thought would scare people into voting for the status quo.
80
Brexit will lead to a flight of talent, money and taxes – and the country will have to take on more and more debt.
81
Whatever happens with Brexit, what I am absolutely convinced will not happen is that free movement of individuals, free movement of people, will not change, North and South without passports.
82
There is no upside for the U.K. in Brexit. Only costs that can be avoided and advantages to be seized by remaining in Europe. No one should have to pay the Brexit tax.
83
On ‘Question Time,’ I’ve noticed great anger from the audience. When we discuss Brexit, emotions range from white-hot fury to cold, grey apathy. As soon as we move off Brexit, debate is much more nuanced and considered.
84
I suspect my own journey to Brexit has closely followed that of Britain’s. I had doubts, then I decided we should stay in, then I had very serious doubts as our island began to sink under a tide of regulations and our government lost control of the immigration system.
85
A failure to listen to the party’s grassroots was a charge regularly levelled at Theresa May – particularly over Brexit.
86
A no deal Brexit is a proposal so damaging to our future that it cannot be accepted.
87
There are, of course, some who demand a no-deal Brexit and threaten to vote for any party that will deliver it.
88
If Theresa May is big enough to admit her mistakes and put a kinder Conservatism into the heart of her government, she may survive, reunite our broken country, and deliver a considerably better Brexit deal.
89
One of the most depressing aspects of the whole Brexit debate has been the rush to instant judgment about the motives of MPs and others and the readiness to accuse others of treachery or betrayal.
90
It is vital to understand what voters expect from Brexit, especially given the lack of a leave manifesto.
91
But only a candidate who rejects wishful thinking, has the courage to tell the truth about the options in front of us and who will address Brexit on the basis of the hard realities will succeed.
92
Freedom of movement in Europe has been all but abandoned as a cause in British politics. Brexit was far more about freedom of movement than our exact trading relationship with the EU, and the electorate rejected it.
93
I think people will always do have an interest in policy areas, but Brexit is certainly got people talking and thinking and, so, probably more engaged than they would otherwise be.
94
Brexit and Trump are a generational revenge. This may partly be against millennial certainty and superiority, and, indeed, ageism; and it may be a natural part of population dynamics – not only are more people getting far older than ever before, but they are older for longer than they are young.
95
We didn’t do Brexit. We didn’t get money for it. We didn’t do work for it. We didn’t sign a contract.
96
Brexit cannot be done with the traditional Westminster/Whitehall system as Vote Leave warned repeatedly before 23 June 2016.
97
We’ve seen with Brexit and other things that there’s a dark impulse to be petulant and frustrated with complicated solutions.
98
My position was that if the country could unite around a soft Brexit that would be the least worst way through. But it is now very clear that the country is not going to unite around a soft Brexit. There is nobody really advocating a soft Brexit.
99
Once we have delivered Brexit, no one is going to say: ‘Oh wow, you delivered Brexit, I’m going to ignore everything else to do with politics and reward you!’
100
There is a sense of resignation among most people who voted Remain that we have to ‘man up’ – even the women among us – and make the most of what we know will be a rotten Brexit.
101
The creative industries, a source of optimism in recent years owing to, among other things, a resurgence on the world stage of British music, have come out foursquare against Brexit.
102
I am attached to a strict approach to Brexit: I respect the British vote, but the worst thing would be a sort of weak E.U. vis-a-vis the British.
103
Suspension of disbelief is a necessary ingredient in all storytelling. So it has been with the government’s narrative that it is delivering Brexit.
104
A Brexit with a poor outcome will damage our country and lead to years of further division.
105
I’ll keep fighting for the best, most successful Brexit.
106
Theresa May, a Remainer, assumed that all of the Brexit voters are racist, thinks we will use this to kick British citizens out of the country; it is despicable.
107
Brexit is not a viable path for Britain.
108
When we were told Brexit meant taking back powers for Parliament, no one told my constituents this meant the French parliament and the German parliament, not our own.
109
Some who campaign against hate, seem to hate the Brexit party more than they love peace.
110
You don’t have to be a political insider to know that Parliament, along with parts of the Government, has colluded in sabotaging Brexit.
111
The things being smuggled in under the cover of Brexit will damage so much of what we hold dear. A cabal of tycoons would see their wealth and influence turbocharged, while the mass of the population would see their prosperity, their security and, ultimately, their liberty dwindle away.
112
Of course Brexit means that something is wrong in Europe. But Brexit means also that something was wrong in Britain.
113
Once the country voted for Brexit, I wanted the prime minister to make a success of it, but I knew that unpicking 45 years of entwinement with the E.U. would be impossible without our elected lawmakers being fully involved.
114
More and more people – Leavers and Remainers – from every region, every political party and every walk of life, are demanding a vote on the final Brexit deal before we leave the EU.
115
The cruel realities of austerity and Brexit mean that life is chaotic, expensive and the road ahead is littered with obstacles.
116
On the night of Brexit, while some people were celebrating and others were having wakes, I stayed in and played Beethoven, his quartets mainly, into the small hours of the morning.
117
Given the right to – given the opportunity to vote, I voted for Brexit because I’ve never approved really of the European Union, I never approved of it because of its attempts to confiscate national sovereignty in all the issues that matter.
118
One lesson of the vote for Brexit was that citizens were fed up being treated as bystanders. One of the gains of Leave was the flourishing of a sense of agency and self-determination that it afforded to many.
119
No Conservative wants a bad Brexit deal, or to do anything that increases the threat of a Corbyn Government.
120
In retrospect, the populist panic may have been overblown. Regarding Brexit, for example, the shock exaggerated its meaning. Because it was so unexpected, it became a sensation.
121
I accept of course we’re in deep trouble and deep difficulty. But if we, under a new leader, reinvent ourselves properly as a Brexit party, we will be faced with the inevitability at some point of a general election in order to deliver Brexit because this Parliament is stopping the delivery of Brexit.
122
I am Brexit tooth and claw, but we need to be pragmatic and sensible and leave with a deal.
123
Any genuine progressive should work together to stop Brexit – this is a national emergency, requiring national cooperation.
124
The architects of Brexit are a cocktail of lying racists and buffoons. I don’t think even someone as cynical as me could have predicted how deeply stupid these people are.
125
Thankfully, roads have opened that could lead us out of this Brexit crisis. One obvious solution, which is fast gaining support, is to hand the issue back to the country. I would add that we also need formally to take no deal Brexit off the table, because that way lies chaos and disaster.
126
In the end, pragmatism requires a workable compromise. But none exists on Brexit.
127
When it comes to something like Brexit, I am part of the liberal-media London bubble, and so, to me, voting to leave was madness. My perspective was that it was cutting off your nose to spite your face.
128
If a prime minister can suspend parliament to deliver a ‘no deal’ Brexit, what will the government try to do next with no democratic scrutiny or oversight?
129
Ensuring we have the best possible Brexit deal will take time, effort and huge diplomatic skill.
130
It’s irresponsible to scare E.U. nationals in the U.K. by hinting that their status might change after Brexit.
131
At least from a national security standpoint, none of the problems the U.S. and U.K. face will become easier to solve if the U.K. is out of the E.U.; on the contrary, I fear that a ‘Brexit’ would only make our world even more dangerous and difficult to manage.
132
The Brexit debate has been difficult and divisive.
133
By stopping Brexit, investing in skills and providing tailored support to key industries, we can get the UK economy back on track and help the communities that have been hit hardest by the threat of Brexit.
134
Unless and until I can see an opportunity of actually reversing Brexit and restoring a stable membership of the European Union, then in the real world I concentrate on minimising the damage.
135
I challenge the Government to come clean on the cost of Brexit. The reason they can’t look us in the eye, it’s because they know this will leave us worse off and with less control. It’s a gross abuse of civil service impartiality.
136
We always knew that whatever party Nigel Farage led – first UKIP and then the Brexit party – was basically a vehicle for his own political self-glorification and now he’s proved it.
137
For those who want out, Brexit remains an end in itself, regardless of what is in the interest of our society, in terms of prosperity, security and influence on the wider world stage.
138
After Brexit, we need to design a modern and fair immigration system which attracts talent and investment from the E.U. and the rest of the world.
139
Free to set our own laws, Brexit should act as a catalyst for a new era of prosperity for an outward-looking U.K. ambitious in removing barriers to trade, enterprise and economic growth.
140
Having spent six years as Europe Minister, I am in no doubt about the technical challenge Brexit presents lawmakers.
141
If we have Brexit, we don’t know what we will get.
142
A united, functional opposition really could stop Brexit.
143
Brexit – I was sick of it when it was all happening. It’s off the news now, but when Covid settles down it will just come back again.
144
You see it with Brexit, you see it in Donald Trump’s election, you see it with the fact that neither of the main parties ended up in the final round of the French presidential election, you see it with the Italian referendum being defeated, you see it in a lot of ways – the political revolution.
145
We must stand up for the principle of parliamentary democracy and not allow the government’s failure in the Brexit process to be a licence for the U.K. to crash out of the E.U. without an agreement.
146
I was fully aware of the challenges facing London before I was elected as mayor, but I didn’t anticipate the issue that is likely to define my time as mayor – Brexit.
147
Whatever long-term advantages are claimed for Brexit it is overwhelmingly clear that in the short to medium term it carries risks to our economy and security.
148
Everything else outside the world – Brexit, the global economy, global warming, everything – nothing matters as much as what’s in your house.
149
As I’ve said many times, Vote Leave could only win because the Establishment’s OODA loops are broken – as the Brexit negotiations painfully demonstrate daily – and they are systematically bad at decisions, and this created just enough space for us to win.
150
Brexit is an immensely complex national challenge encompassing issues from sovereignty and trade to security in an increasingly interdependent world.
151
The pursuit of an extreme Brexit cannot come at the cost of peace in Northern Ireland.
152
Maybe the Tory party might, instead of telling the Brexit Party what to do, make an approach to the Brexit Party and say I’ll tell you what, we’ll stand aside in certain areas. That would be a very positive thing for me, let’s work together for a new kind of politics.
153
The day after Brexit I had a moment when someone said, ‘Don’t you want to go back to your own country?’ I wasn’t 100 per cent sure if he was thinking he was being kind? I was like, ‘Um… this is my home, thank you.’
154
We need a transitional Brexit deal that provides maximum certainty and stability. Labour will deliver it.
155
No amount of extra civil servants recruited to deliver Brexit will make up for a lack of rational debate or for political judgments distorted by a desire to sound tough in order to appeal to narrow sectional interests.
156
I think one of the laughable things about poor old Brexit is that they’re so cross – they’re furious with everyone. But this isn’t a cross country; this is a generous and optimistic country.
157
Brexit stops Britain from being Great Britain.
158
Nothing of substance is being achieved or even proposed, while the country remains trapped in the Kafka-esque misery that Brexit has become.
159
During the Brexit campaign there was a deficit of outrage.
160
In a deeply divided country we must either work together to get the best deal we can – and this needs compromise – or accept that Brexit cannot be implemented and think again about what we are doing.
161
They get the faceless bureaucrats in Brussels and Strasbourg who have ruled and told the Brits how to live and making promises for them that their lives would get better and talking about a future based on globalism versus family and individual and local community. That’s what Brexit was all about.
162
The skills necessary to change nappies or negotiate Brexit are obviously very different, but both involve a great deal of trust in the competence of the people doing the job.
163
Too much of the Brexit rhetoric is based on the desire to go out and re-create Empire.
164
We know that Brexit would make our poorest communities poorer still. That it would make the powerless even less able to effect change.
165
I am a passionate, pragmatic, and positive believer in Brexit, and with my three-step plan, we can decisively leave the E.U.
166
Brexit is the most complex and difficult political decision our country has had to take in mine and many other lifetimes.
167
Few political debates have been as divisive as the European one. I fought as hard as I could on the Remain side, but I believe strongly that as a democrat I should respect the result, and that as a politician it is my duty to make the Brexit settlement as good as possible.
168
Italy is working to make sure the Brexit shock is an opportunity for a European reawakening.
169
Yet we have learned from the Scottish independence vote and with Brexit what referendums do to our politics. They foster bitter divisions in ways that parliamentary elections tend not to do.
170
Loose talk about no deal has given credibility to the simplistic slogans of the Brexit party and resulted in millions voting for them.
171
No one voted for a Brexit that will tie us to the E.U.’s customs rules and prevent us striking meaningful trade deals of our own.
172
The Liberal Democrats are unequivocal in wanting to stop Brexit and are committed to securing Britain’s future as a tolerant, open and inclusive society.
173
We need to take back control of our political process. We know so much more about what Brexit will mean, and the health implications, especially for those who are already in a disadvantaged position.
174
I was asked by a journalist to sum up the story in a minute, and I was like, ‘No.’ It goes from Trump to Brexit to Russian espionage to military operations in Afghanistan to hacking the president of Nigeria. Where do you even begin?
175
The important thing with Facebook is to remember that it played a role in facilitating Brexit because it inadvertently allowed leave-supporting groups to use harvested data to target key voters.
176
I said a vote to leave would be a Brexit tax. I couldn’t think of anything stronger than that.
177
Between Trump’s election and Brexit, there were all sorts of opinions coming out of the woodwork that I thought had died out a long time ago. I was like, ‘What’s the point?’ All we do is bad things. The history of humanity is the history of people exploiting each other.
178
Schools unable to keep their lights on and their doors open for the full working week is just the latest bleak instalment of a long-running show. The age of austerity returns for its ninth miserable year; always in the background, the common denominator in everything from the Brexit vote to knife crime.
179
I sometimes think that the In campaign appears to be operating to a script written by George R.R. Martin and Stephen King – Brexit would mean a combination of ‘A Feast for Crows’ and ‘Misery.’
180
Brexit has changed everything in British politics – it has blown open a cosy, zombie-like closed world of Westminster parliamentary politics. It has broken open the traditional line between left and right, which was already an exhausted tradition.
181
If the hard Brexit happens, I would assume that London wouldn’t be the centre of the tech world in Europe.
182
Brexit is actually a step back in the sense that you are going back from being connected to being on your own.
183
Brexit is for the richest in our country: they can afford recessions.
184
If I was prime minister, there would be absolutely zero risk that Brexit wouldn’t happen.
185
Brexit is a disaster, Italy won’t be real about its debt, and the European Union is in trouble.
186
I am an outcast in the Conservative party. But that’s Brexit. It has divided families. The country is divided. This is a huge fault line.
187
Calling into question the Touquet deal on the pretext that Britain has voted for Brexit and will have to start negotiations to leave the union doesn’t make sense.
188
The original sin of Brexit – the lies, contradictions, half-truths and omissions on which it was built – have come back to haunt the Thatcherite Tories who started all this with Nigel Farage and Ukip.
189
The impact of Brexit is likely to be slow and incremental, hardly the sudden transformation that some Leave voters wanted. Immigrants will not disappear, and manufacturing will not immediately return to northern-English cities – quite the contrary.
190
The Brexit referendum showed us to be divided, and those of us who campaigned for remain have to accept that we lost. But that does not mean that we have to agree to the deal the prime minister has brought back – a deal that satisfies no one.
